Finding the Gain: ‘Without lobbying, we’re politically naked’

Cover image courtesy of The Image Is Everything

Earlier this week we explored how Hawke-era reform reshaped Australian breeding and how America’s OB3 depreciation law is fuelling yearling sales. The lesson was simple: when governments set the right policy, investment follows.

But policy doesn’t change on its own. Reform requires influence, and lobbying is one of the few proven ways to make that happen. It’s not the only lever available to drive change, but lobbying is a tool the industry currently doesn't overly utilise.

Colin Hayes and John Messara showed what was possible in the 1980s when they convinced Bob Hawke’s government to level the playing field with New Zealand. If we want that kind of outcome again, lobbying has to be part of the conversation.

What actually is lobbying?

At its simplest, lobbying is about making sure government understands how legislation affects your industry before decisions are made.

“Lobbying is a defensive as much as an offensive mechanism,” American Thoroughbred Horsemen’s Association CEO, Alan Foreman, told TTR.

“Offensive - tax reform and legislative changes to help. Defensive - making sure it doesn’t get worse or harder for us.”

The term itself dates back to the 1830s, when petitioners would wait in the lobbies of government buildings to plead their case. In the U.S., lobbying even features in the First Amendment as the right to petition government - and over two centuries, it has become an industry in itself.

Today Washington, D.C. has around 13,000 registered lobbyists; roughly 40 for every federal politician. According to Foreman, racing is no exception.

“In our country, every state horsemen’s group has a lobbyist,” Foreman told TTR.

“The breeders have lobbyists. The tracks have lobbyists. Everybody’s got one. If you don’t, you’re politically naked. You’ve got no influence, no protection, and no one in the room when decisions are being made.”

The list is long. Owners and trainers are represented by the THA or HBPA. Breeders and owners by TOBA. Racetracks employ their own people. The Jockey Club lobbies on many issues, while the NTRA - originally a marketing body - now operates as an advocacy group for the whole industry. At the state level, each racing jurisdiction also has its own representation.

The result is an extraordinarily well-resourced political machine, but its depth comes at a major financial cost. Few here would want to replicate the sheer scale of America’s model. However between next to no lobbying - which leaves all political power with the PRAs rather than stakeholder groups - and the saturation model in the U.S., is where the sweet spot might be.

Australia’s lobbying approach

Racing in Australia is regulated by state governments through the Principal Racing Authorities (PRAs), which control licensing, regulation, and racing days under state acts. But many of the issues that determine the health of the wider industry - taxation, biosecurity, work visas, training and education, even elements of animal welfare - sit at the federal level. That split means effective lobbying has to happen in both places.

Right now, few stakeholder groups lobby in their own right. Most government relationship-building is left to the Principal Racing Authorities - giving them a near-monopoly on political influence.

Racing Victoria told TTR its government representation comes via the Minister and Shadow Minister for Racing and the Office of Racing within the Department of Justice and Community Safety. Racing NSW did not respond to questions.

Thoroughbred Breeders Australia (TBA) and Aushorse have a stronger lobbying track record, particularly under former CEO Tom Reilly.

“As a major industry, we need strong allies and solid representation both in Canberra and across state governments,” said Aushorse Chair Antony Thompson. “There are many issues that arise where we need to be able to speak directly with government and work collaboratively on solutions. That’s been a major focus, not necessarily from Aushorse, but certainly from TBA, to ensure we have a strong and respected voice in Canberra.”

“State breeders’ associations have also done their part, building strong relationships with their respective state governments and racing ministers, helping ensure that breeders and the broader racing industry aren’t overlooked,” Thompson added.

Looking ahead, new CEO Andrew Hore-Lacy is expected to continue that focus. “Maintaining strong government engagement is a key priority for us and ideally, we’d like to continue that work with a more united, coordinated approach across the industry.”

Encouragingly, Racing Australia has also started to move in this direction. On 1 September, it hosted a Parliamentary Friends of Thoroughbred Racing function in Canberra.

“What’s encouraging is that breeders have been invited this time, not just the PRAs,” Thompson noted. “That’s important as it shows a broader cross-section of industry participants is being recognised. At the end of the day, it’s the people with skin in the game, the ones out there with boots on the ground, who politicians ultimately want to talk to, and should really be hearing from.”

But one Canberra function does not solve the bigger problem: without an organised national strategy, Australia risks being drowned out by industries with stronger, better funded voices.

Why unity matters

For Foreman, the key lesson from America is that unity is essential. “Our breeders all have their own organisations, so every state has a breeders organisation and a horseman’s organisation and they’re different and many times they clash because they’re all fighting over a very small pie… to get them to work collectively can be a very difficult task. But it’s the only way you get anything done.”

Thompson makes the same point in the Australian context:

“I think there’s scope to do this more effectively as the fragmented nature of the industry can hold us back at times; where Principal Racing Authorities (PRAs) might be saying one thing, owners aren’t always as active as they could be through their representative bodies, and breeders are often just seen as ‘breeders’. In reality, breeders own around 60% of the horses, so I’d really like to see a more united voice, with breeders, owners, trainers, jockeys all presenting a shared message when we engage with government.”

He continued: “We’re all participants in the racing industry, and we all want the same thing. Sometimes that gets a bit lost. I’d like to see us come under one umbrella, especially when we go to Canberra.”

Fragmented voices make it easy for government to dismiss racing’s concerns. A united approach makes it harder to ignore.

Why this matters now

Racing and breeding is regulated under state legislation - each Racing Act gives PRAs enormous power. But a lot of levers that determine the industry’s viability sit federally, and many participants feel issues that affect them are being overlooked.

The Silverdale Academy, a not-for-profit organisation that provides education programs for school students, school leavers and those looking to join the equine industry in basic horse handling and industry jobs, was recently advised that ‘horse trainer’ is not regarded as a priority on the Apprenticeship Priority List.

The federal government has recently called for consultation regarding the Apprenticeship Priority List which Silverdale Academy intend to provide feedback detailing the huge public benefit and impact of the racing and breeding industry on individual regional and rural communities as significant for employment and economic benefit.

“The Federal Government are signalling that horse training may no longer be considered career worthy of support on the Apprenticeship Priority List. This can mean they are overlooking the critical staff shortage across the industry,” said Danielle Tiller from the Silverdale Academy.

“It’s also concerning that the list simplifies everything under ‘horse trainer’, when in reality, the scope of work is much broader— covering stablehands, trackriders, track management, trainers, strappers, bloodstock agents and more. This further expands to the equine vet nursing sector which has a critical shortage of equine specific courses available and thus qualified equine nurses available to support our equine veterinarian clinics.

“This matters because government funding for training is tied directly to jobs on this list.”

Without a proper lobbying strategy, vital issues - like funding for education - fall through the cracks.

And there’s a broader risk. Gambling tax revenue has long underpinned racing’s relationship with government, but it’s no guarantee of protection. Wagering and attendance are fluctuating, foal crops are falling, and social licence is under scrutiny. Political capital built on turnover alone is fragile.

If governments only hear from PRAs - and not from breeders, owners, trainers, and the wider supply chain - they will continue to see racing as a narrow gambling product rather than a major agricultural and employment sector.

Lessons from live export and greyhound racing

The risks of weak lobbying are not theoretical; other animal industries have already paid the price for not establishing a strong political presence before social license risks put it under pressure.

The live export sector is a stark case study. Despite contributing more than $1.8 billion to the Australian economy and playing a critical role in global food security, the live export of sheep will be phased out by 2028. For importing nations, particularly those with cultural and religious traditions that demand freshly slaughtered meat, Australia had been a trusted supplier for decades. Yet a series of emotive media campaigns shocked the public and reframed the industry overnight as a welfare scandal.

Dr Holly Ludeman, a veterinarian and founder of The Livestock Collective, says the industry’s mistake was waiting too long to tell its own story.

“I was drawn to the live export industry because constant improvement was something always on the table,” she said.

“However, we were not telling anyone about it, until we were on the defensive. The industry responded to crisis events quickly and effectively, implementing significant reform and improvements. But this story was not heard, or not listened to.”

By the time lobbying efforts gathered pace, political decisions were already being made.

“As a veterinarian and agricultural scientist, I recognised the importance of lobbying and sharing evidence and facts. Sitting across the table from decision makers - or better yet, taking them on a vessel tour to see conditions for themselves - was some of the most powerful advocacy I’ve done.

“We invited politicians from across the spectrum because it was vital to show them that our book was open, transparent, and available for scrutiny. If you leave a vacuum of information, activists will fill it with their story. And their story is rarely the whole truth.”

It is a cautionary tale racing cannot ignore. Industries that wait until they are attacked to start lobbying discover too late that welfare has become a political football, kicked around in preference deals and headlines.

The greyhound industry has just had the same harsh lesson.

In August, Tasmania’s premier Jeremy Rockliff announced greyhound racing would be phased out by 2029 - not because of a new inquiry or scandal, but a move seen as a political manoeuvre to shore up support for his minority government. The decision blindsided participants, who suddenly found their livelihoods used as bargaining chips in a parliamentary numbers game.

The message is stark: without deep reserves of political capital, an animal industry can be sacrificed overnight if the political cost of keeping it outweighs the benefit.

Striking the balance

America’s 40-lobbyists-per-politician system is certainly overblown, but Australia’s near-total reliance on PRAs is leaving the industry - and participants within it - politically vulnerable. Somewhere in the middle lies the balance we need.

As Alan Foreman put it bluntly: “If you don’t (have a lobbyist), you’re politically naked.”

Lobbying won’t win every fight, but without it racing and breeding remain voiceless when decisions are made. If we want to ‘find the gain’ after years of ‘breeding drain’, political capital is as vital as financial capital. The first step is recognising lobbying’s dual role - offence to push for reforms that help breeders thrive, and defence to ensure regulation doesn’t erode our footing.

In Part 2, we turn to the harder question: what exactly should be on the table when racing finally walks into the room?

If you would like to contribute to this series, send your thoughts or ideas to vicky@ttrausnz.com.au.